The Secret Plot To Destroy African-Americans

Aids

Leroy Whitfield was a writer who focused on the battle against AIDS among African-Americans. He died after living 15 years with the disease himself—while refusing to take medication for it. He was 36.

Open Letter of LeRoy Whitfield

From virus carrying mosquitoes to government biological warfare, the community is clamoring with theories about why blacks are hit harder by AIDS-and what to do about it.

On December 19, 1998, a month after President Clinton declared AIDS a crisis in black America — a hard-won concession by the Congressional Black Caucus and a handful of determined African-American advocates — Reverend Al Sharpton and a dirty dozen of community activists assembled for an AIDS assault of a different kind in Harlem.

They were responding to the same crazy reality: African Americans, who constitute only 13 percent of the U.S. population, then made up 32 percent of PWAs, a ratio that crept to 33 percent in 1999. But unlike Mario Cooper, whose Leading for Life campaign twisted the arms of African-American leaders to take on AIDS, or Maxine Waters, the empathetic Caucus chair who led the charge on Capitol Hill, Sharpton’s six-hour-long meeting took aim at the reeling statistics with a whirlwind of theories. These theories, about why exactly AIDS shows such a strange affinity for blacks, have been blowing across America for more than 10 years now, stoking fires that no one’s figured out how to put out.

One burning voice belongs to Boyd Ed Graves. Sitting at a well-polished dining room table at his home in Cleveland’s black, solidly middle-class Mount Pleasant neighborhood, Graves offers an explanation for those numbers: genocide, plain and simple. In fact, he’s suing the U.S. government for using tax dollars to secretly develop HIV in a lab and then deploy it as a biological weapon to kill blacks. It’s ethnic cleansing, he says, and in the end, not a single black soul will remain.

For the record, Graves, who was diagnosed with HIV in 1992 (and now has an undetectable viral load on HAART), concedes it’s possible that he contracted the virus through unprotected sex. But more likely, he believes, he was the victim of a stealth dart gun, a “micro-bio- inoculator” that can tag unsuspecting victims from 100 feet away without so much as a prick, a product of the U.S. government’s biological warfare program.

Or, he imagines, he may have been one of the thousands of unlucky African Americans infected through a bite by a virus-distributing mosquito bred by government contractors at an island facility off the shores of Manhattan. Or:”The HIV virus is the result of a century-long hunt for a contagious cancer that selectively kills.” “If they didn’t want me to discover the true origins of AIDS,” Graves says, cutting a glare in my direction, “they shouldn’t have given it to me.”

Graves has an encyclopedic mind. He can pull numbers out of the air from reports he read 20 years ago. In 1976, he says, the U.S. Navy deemed him so competent that during his duty as a cryptography officer, he was one of only a few aboard the guided-missile destroyer on which he worked who were privy to nuclear launch codes. Later, Graves graduated from Ohio Northern University law school with honors.

His case against the government stemmed from a discrimination suit he filed against his first employer out of law school, a federally funded agency serving the disabled, which laid him off in 1995 shortly after he disclosed his HIV status. That suit was settled out of court for $48,000, he tells me, but in the process of building his extensive argument, Graves uncovered a document that would spark a lifelong obsession.

It was the transcript of a 1970 Congressional hearing on defense appropriations during which a certain Dr. Donald MacArthur of the Pentagon mentioned a “biological agent…for which no natural immunity could be acquired…that could be developed within 5 to 10 years.” That document was soon joined by hundreds of others to form the basis ofBoyd Graves vs. the President of the United States, which Graves filed in federal court last January.

He pulls out a copy of the MacArthur transcript for me and begins reading highlights, then stops himself midsentence and looks up. “Do you want to hear me read it in my Nixon’s voice?” he asks. Nixon, I’ll soon discover, is just one of Graves’ dozen impersonations. He also does the hostile AIDS outreach worker, the annoyed relative, and the impatient bureaucrat, all of whom he’s encountered on his hell-bent mission and whose voices repeat inside his head.

A district court, calling his name claims regarding the transmission of HIV “completely baseless and delusional,” threw his case a month  after it was filed. But Graves continues to appeal, in March, a higher court granted a review.

Among Cleveland’s AIDS leadership, Graves has earned a nickname: Crazy Eddie. He has spread his gospel to every AIDS agency in this Corn Belt town; he’s caused such a stir that some compare his impact in the Midwest to that of ACT UP/San Francisco AIDS dissidents in the West. Jon Darr Bradshaw, executive director of the Xchange Point, a program that does street outreach in Cleveland’s toughest neighborhoods, says that Graves’ theories have created such doubt among his clients that some have begun refusing condoms and clean needles, suspicious that the supplies are tainted with HIV.Such incidents have only earned Graves more credibility in the eyes of some African Americans. Last March, he was named one of the 25 most influential people in Cleveland by

Last March, he was named one of the 25 most influential people in Cleveland by Cleveland Life, Ohio’s largest African-American newspaper. That followed a December 1999 editorial by the paper’s then-news editor, Daniel Gray-Kontar, in which he wrote: “Is what Boyd Ed Graves saying accurate? I would respond with another question: If we would have been told about the experiments with blacks in Tuskegee with the syphilis virus, would we have believed the crier then?”

The long history of slavery and Jim Crow set the stage for African Americans to suspect an AIDS conspiracy, and, for many, evidence of other plots clinches the case. Two episodes famously surfaced in the 1970s: Tuskegee, where government researchers withheld syphilis meds from unsuspecting black southerners, and COINTELPRO, an FBI program that surveilled and harassed black radicals. Equally disturbing facts came out in an August 1996 piece, later partly retracted, which suggested a CIA role in allowing

Equally disturbing facts came out in an August 1996 piece, later partly retracted, which suggested a CIA role in allowing the crack to be sold in LA’s South Central to profit Nicaraguan contras. A June 1998 San Jose Mercury NewsLos Angeles Times article documented germ-warfare techniques planned against South African revolutionaries, including Nelson Mandela.

As one woman said at an LA town meeting convened by Rep. Maxine Waters (D-CA) after the Mercury News piece ran, “Black men are in jail for selling drugs the CIA brought to our community the same way they brought the guns here for us to kill each other. If they don’t get you that way, government doctors will stick you with AIDS. One way or another they’ll destroy us.”

The sister’s not alone in her thinking. According to a 1999 study funded by the National Institutes of Health (NIH), one out of four African Americans surveyed said that they believed HIV was created by the U.S. government to eliminate blacks. That study echoed the findings of an earlier one by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, which found that 54 percent of blacks surveyed viewed HIV testing as a ploy to infect them with the virus. Look at those numbers and the truth stares back: Belief in conspiracies is far from fringe.

Just stroll into an Afrocentric bookstore in any of America’s urban centers and you’ll find plenty of reading to reinforce even the slightest doubts about HIV, from white right-winger William Campbell Douglass’ AIDS: The End of Civilization to black agitator Curtis Cost’s Vaccines Are Dangerous: A Warning to the Black Community, which argues that HIV is a man-made biological weapon created to wipe out blacks. Cost’s 1991 book is still a steady seller, recommended by the Universal Zulu Nation, a 12-city hip hop fraternity that discourages condom use and claims that HIV doesn’t cause AIDS. Recently, Cost did a complete 180 on HIV. As his latest, unpublished book will show, the Bronx resident tells me, “There’s no such thing as AIDS,” and we’re all dupes of a misinformation campaign.

Cost, as a new AIDS dissident, was a key organizer of that well-attended December 1998 Harlem AIDS forum convened by Rev. Sharpton. There, Phillip Valentine, a self-described “natural healer,” who believes blacks should abstain from all meds, even herbs, shared the podium with a dozen speakers, only one of whom thought HIV caused AIDS — and that speaker argued that the virus had been intentionally transmitted to blacks through World Health Organization vaccine programs.

Later, during an animated conversation, Valentine told me that it’s the medicine, not the virus, that kills: “The only time you start getting sick is when you go to see a doctor.” Valentine advises HIVers to stay away from meds under any circumstance. When a newly diagnosed friend of Valentine’s called him in tears seeking advice, Valentine invited him over with his bag of prescriptions. “I asked ‘What did they give you?’ He named all the drugs. We prayed. After a brief ritual, I helped him pour them down the toilet.”

While Graves, Valentine, and Cost peddle their conspiracies on the ground, prominent African Americans have validated these ideas from the airwaves. Nation of Islam (NOI) head Louis Farrakhan has long maintained that AIDS was made in a government lab just outside Virginia, a message he spreads through his speeches and the NOI’s organ,The Final Call. Several black entertainers have endorsed these views as well. In a 1990 appearance on The Arsenio Hall Show, rapper Kool Moe Dee stated that he thought AIDS was a part of a “clean up America campaign” intended to hit gays and minorities. Director Spike Lee seconded the notion in November 1991 in

Director Spike Lee seconded the notion in November 1991 in Rolling Stone, and in an October 1992 interview on CNN, media giant Bill Cosby said he thought AIDS was “man-made” and that “if it wasn’t created to get rid of black folks, it sure likes us a lot.” Though statements like these are less common of late, megastar Will Smith speculated in the July 1999 Vanity Fair that “possibly AIDS was created as a result of biological-warfare testing.” These messages leave many African Americans caught in a life-or-death struggle between advice from their doctor and words from public figures they respect.

Forty miles northeast of Montgomery, Alabama, where Rosa Parks touched off the civil rights movement, lies a town whose very name has come to symbolize government malevolence: Tuskegee. I took a trip down to the scene of the crime last May, on the occasion of an AIDS training for black church leaders, to see with my own eyes the rooms where federal researchers watched, probed and tested 399 African American men as many slowly died, untreated and uninformed, from syphilis. The windows at the old John A. Andrew Hospital were broken and boarded.

I came upon an open side entrance and, once inside, found retired medical equipment, a wall calendar that had collected dust since 1958 and, everywhere, the buzzing of hornets. Standing in a dim corridor, I tried to imagine 1932, back when the hospital was busy with black men waiting in chairs for treatment they never got. After 40 years, the study was finally halted and the hospital eventually closed, but somehow, standing in that place, the men’s fears and misplaced hopes lingered.

The windows at the old John A. Andrew Hospital were broken and boarded. I came upon an open side entrance and, once inside, found retired medical equipment, a wall calendar that had collected dust since 1958 and, everywhere, the buzzing of hornets. Standing in a dim corridor, I tried to imagine 1932, back when the hospital was busy with black men waiting in chairs for treatment they never got. After 40 years, the study was finally halted and the hospital eventually closed, but somehow, standing in that place, the men’s fears and misplaced hopes lingered.

A. Cornelius Baker, the African-American executive director of the Whitman-Walker Clinic in Washington, DC took the matter so seriously that he campaigned to make President Clinton apologize for Tuskegee, which he did in May 1997. “There was no way to have an honest discussion in the black community about HIV if that experiment was not addressed,” Baker says. “But, at some point, the real issue isn’t whether our government has acted in a way we don’t like, but what do we do to fight against it.”

One night during the training, I had dinner out on a patio with Karen Washington, an AIDS ministry lay leader at Friendship Baptist Church in Dallas. Washington, 37, tested positive at 23, but avoided taking HAART until three years ago because, she says, “I didn’t want to be a guinea pig.” She found out about her status while stationed on a U.S. Air Force base in London in 1987. “At the time I didn1t even know what the disease was,” she says, though she noticed that other blacks — but not whites — on her base were experiencing the same thing.

“People in the government are always working on things that we’ll never know about. I thought that I might have gotten AIDS because something went wrong in the lab.” Williams says her mistrust of the government only grew in the ’90s after she heard reports of the mysterious symptoms of Gulf War Syndrome. She only went on HAART, years later, out of respect for her increasingly worried mother. For now, she’s doing well: Her CD4s are just shy of 500, and her viral load is undetectable.

As Washington and other PWAs at Tuskegee opened up to me about their postdiagnosis searchings, I found myself identifying with their fears, and with their basic suspicion about the disease and the drugs. As an African-American AIDS journalist, I have access to cutting-edge treatment information, and yet I haven’t been to a doctor in a year and a half. Maybe the truth is I’ve examined every crackpot theory from Tuskegee to Cleveland with an open mind because, quietly, I hope I can believe one of them. When you’re asymptomatic like I am, you really want to believe that AIDS can’t happen; if Valentine and Cost are right, and AIDS isn’t real, then I could distance myself from the virus in my blood.

Three months after the conference, I trek up to Columbia University at the edge of Harlem, to sit down with African-American scholars Mindy Fullilove, MD, a psychiatrist, and Robert Fullilove, EdD, a statistician, and theologian, whom I met in Tuskegee. After 17 years of marriage and 14 years of partnered community research, the Fulliloves have their routine down pat. Today, she fields calls while he answers my questions.

“As we’ve talked to people who are HIV infected, but are not interested in getting treatment, who have a completely different worldview about their illness and what they ought to do about it, it becomes very clear that saying ‘Trust your doctor’ is not enough to make them accept advice,” Fullilove says. “They simply don’t accept science as the final word on anything to do with AIDS, and certainly not as the final word on what they should do about their health.”

In published essays and in many of the 70, studies they’ve co-authored, the Fulliloves have examined myths about the origins of HIV, government intent with regard to AIDS, why African Americans are at greater risk, and why they avoid mainstream treatment. “Time isn’t enough to heal every wound,” he says, “or to resolve a worldview that made slavery possible. So there’s a tendency on the part of African Americans, founded in their experience, to view everything done by whites with suspicion and mistrust.” And to give the benefit of the doubt to solutions that come from within the black community.

Take Bronx resident Andre Cromer, 34. “All the stories I was hearing,” he says, his solid gold medallion swaying with every gesture, “was that the medicine kills you, not the disease and that AZT is poison. I was looking for an alternative.” In 1992, six years before he was diagnosed with HIV, he found one. He was sitting in a large crowd at Louis Farrakhan’s majestic Mosque Maryam in Chicago when the NOI’s health minister, Abdul Alim Muhammad, took the stage.

Cromer listened spellbound as Muhammad infused the audience with hope and racial pride, announcing that an AIDS cure, Kemron (a low-dose, oral preparation of alpha interferon), had been discovered in Africa. The miraculous news had been slow to spread, Muhammad said, because the discoverer, a Kenyan, couldn’t get black ink in the white press. At the Million Man March in 1995, Farrakhan shared his limelight with Muhammad to bring the same message to the masses; bow-tied Final Call salesmen were pushing the word about Kemron, too, penetrating black communities from Bed-Stuy to Compton.

Muhammad’s speech was all that Cromer needed to hear. “After that, I didn’t really worry about getting the disease, because I always felt that I knew where the cure was,” he says After Cromer ditched condoms and hard-to-keep rules about safer sex, it wasn’t much of a surprise in 1988 when, after 10 days in Harlem’s North General Hospital with pneumonia, his HIV test was positive. Cromer already knew what to do: He logged on to the website of NOI’s Abundant Life Clinic, looking to buy some Kemron.

He found Barbara Justice, MD, who sold him Kemron out of her office in Harlem, not too far from North General, where he had tested positive and was offered his first round of combo therapy. Not too far, either, from the trash receptacle where he dumped the meds he’d been prescribed. Before, in 1992, at the height of Kemron’s success, Justice was one of 70 NOI-affiliated doctors nationwide selling the drug, for $1,500 for a six-month supply. Kemron was then so wildly popular that it was even peddled on 125th Street, Harlem’s main artery, on the same strip where you could cop a rock or a nickel bag.

Throughout the ’90s, the drug was beset by troubles: A buyers’ club offered low-dose alpha interferon to PWAs for only $50, a tiny fraction of the NOI price; anecdotal reports of the drug’s ineffectiveness accumulated; when, after NOI pressure, the NIH finally agreed to begin clinical trials of Kemron, the agency halted them due to lack of enrollment. While New York City HIV doc Joseph Sonnabend, MD, says the diluted alpha interferon “doesn’t hurt anyone,” he also says it doesn’t help. Some of his patients in the pre-protease era went to Kenya for Kemron, he recalls: “It cost them quite a bit to go there, and they came back and died anyway.”

But none of that matters to Cromer, who’s only on insurance-reimbursed antiretrovirals now because he’s short on cash for Kemron. (On Kemron, he says, his CD4s spiked from 28 to 128, and his viral load dived from 750,000 to undetectable — a result he’s maintained on HAART.) Or at least it wasn’t enough to challenge his racial solidarity.

While Cromer’s sticking with Kemron, 9-year-old Precious Thomas, of Suitland, Maryland says she’s on to the next new thing: goat therapy. Precious had tried Kemron, too, but quit the drug because, her mom Rocky says, it made her feel “listless.” Perhaps a testament to the Thomases’ continuing faith in black cures, the sixth-grader has since become the poster child for what Tulsa native Gary Davis, MD, aka “the goat doctor,” calls “goat anti-human immune globulin.”

“You see, ladies and gentlemen,” the confident child told an audience of 1,500 at 1998’s Congressional Black Caucus town meeting on AIDS, “God, Dr. Muhammad and Dr. Davis, my heroes, took my viral load from 180,000 to zero, because of a special medicine called an antibody. Who would have thought something this special could be found in a goat?”

The idea for the serum came to Davis in a dream, and he quickly got to work isolating a goat’s antibodies. By his account, he was able to use the substance to stop HIV from infecting CD4 cells in the lab. He put in a new drug application to the FDA in 1996, and when the agency turned him down, Davis cried foul.

“I’m a black physician in the heart of the Tulsa ghetto,” he told The Washington Post. “I’m not Pfizer. I’m not Merck. Get real. It’s hard for you to be accepted within the ruling clique. What you say has to be proven above and beyond the normal expectations.” NIH head Anthony Fauci told Fox News in 1998, “Not only is there not any basis for it to work, but there is evidence that it won’t work.”

Even without human or animal testing, media exposure has made Davis’ remedy urban legend. Unlike Kemron distributors, who make a healthy profit, Davis gives his drug away for free, which adds to his appeal. Rocky Thomas was sold; she crossed the country to grab a bottle from his lab for her daughter, who’s now been on the therapy for two years. “When she started taking [HAART], she stayed sick,” says Rocky. “I asked myself, ‘Why am I constantly giving this child stuff that’s making her sick?’ But her numbers are better now [on the goat serum]. It’s the only thing that’s truly given me hope.”

I asked Robert Fullilove what he thought of these miracle meds, Kemron, and goat serum. “We create goat doctors ourselves,” he says, “because they fill the vacuum of what is perceived to be a complete disinterest in doing what is necessary to combat this epidemic among blacks. Our failure to be proactive makes people think that they need to find someone else who is.”

There’s a bit of disagreement among the conspiracy theorists: Graves and Farrakhan say that HIV is a biological weapon, while Valentine, Cost, and Davis preach that blacks need to avoid toxic HIV drugs and seek out alternatives. But what binds these black men together is that each has made a successful grassroots push to get his message out into the streets of black communities across the country — where many better-funded AIDS outreach workers fear to tread.

The conspiracists have one up on mainstream African American AIDS advocates, who are often perceived to be pushing the same old message — wear condoms, get tested, get treated with pharmaceutical meds — dressed up in “culturally appropriate” garb, a kind of AIDS in blackface. Instead of trying to allay black fears, Graves and company speak directly to them. And they share an electrifying contention that their ideas have been shut out by white America.

At this point, Graves has been shut out for so long that he’s almost shrunk into the self-loathing “nigger faggot with AIDS” that he often calls himself. He’s earned the cynicism: He lost a job for being positive, got kicked out of the military for being gay and experiences racism every day as he tries to spread the word about his obsession, the government’s secret virus program.

In the face of all of this rejection, it’s probably easier for him to think his life will come to a fiery apocalyptic end, a target of an international plot, than to face his illness day by day, holed up in his teenage nephew’s room. Just before I leave him, all his voices are quiet. It’s just me and Graves. “There’s no hope, my friend,” he says, eyes cast to the floor. “The elimination of the black population is well underway. They’ve got their crosshairs aimed at Africans and people of African decent.”

Here are some more numbers for you. According to two 1999, Kaiser Family Foundation reports, African-Americans are more than twice as likely as whites to not be taking combination therapy. We’re one and a half times more likely to not get preventative treatment for pneumonia. Once in care, 64 percent of us believe that we’ll receive worse treatment than whites do. And there are more to these numbers than the entrenched racism of a health care system in which African Americans are less often insured and have less access to health care than most.

As long as black AIDS deaths continue to rise, Crazy Eddie’s crew will keep home-court advantage in the black community. “In addition to the threat of the virus itself, many black people think that there are larger questions about which they have very serious doubts,” says Robert Fullilove. “These doubts aren’t going to be calmed by showering folks with facts and figures or the preaching of noted scientists. If we don’t face the fact that this is part of the HIV/AIDS dialogue, our failure to take it into account is going to cost us. The us I’m referring to is not just African Americans, but anyone who’s interested in waging an effective battle against the epidemic.”

Conclusion:

The Aids medical crime to destroy Africans and African-Americans is a hidden secret covered up for ages by Europe and America, but one scientist Johan Van Dongen can’t be silenced. His book Aids and Ebola, the greatest medical crime against mankind reveals it all.

http://www.amazon.com/Greatest-Medical-History-Against-Mankind-ebook/dp/B016W89W1G

The Ebola Breakout Coincided With UN’s Vaccine Campaigns

 

Ebola release was a bio-warfare product

The Ebola breakout coincided with United Nations’ vaccine campaigns

By Yoichi Shimatsu

The Ebola pandemic began in late February in the former French colony of Guinea while UN agencies were conducting nationwide vaccine campaigns for three other diseases in rural districts. The simultaneous eruptions of this filovirus virus in widely separated zones strongly suggests that the virulent Zaire Ebola strain (ZEBOV) was deliberately introduced to test an antidote in secret trials on unsuspecting humans.

The cross-border escape of ebola into neighboring Sierra Leone and Liberia indicates something went terribly wrong during the illegal clinical trials by a major pharmaceutical company. Through the lens darkly, the release of ebola may well have been an act of biowarfare in the post-colonial struggle to control mineral-rich West Africa

Earlier this year, rural residents eagerly stood in line to receive vaccinations from foreign-funded medical programs. Since the cover-up of the initial outbreak, however, panicked West Africans rural folk are terrified of any treatment from international aid programs for fear of a rumored genocide campaign. The mass hysteria is also fueled in a region traditionally targeted by Western pedophiles by the fact that filovirus survives longer in semen than in other body fluids, a point that resulted in murderous attacks on young men believed  to be homosexuals. Ebola detonated fear and loathing, and perhaps that is exactly the intended objective of a destabilization strategy.

This ongoing series of investigative journalism reports on the ebola crisis exposes how West Africans are largely justified in their distrust of the Western aid agencies that unleashed, whether by mistake or deliberate intent, the most virulent virus known to man.

Guilt Without Doubt

A pair of earlier articles by this writer examined the British and American roles in developing ebola into a biological weapon and its antidotes into commercial products. This third essay examines the strange coincidence of the earliest breakout in Guinea with three major vaccine campaigns conducted by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the UN children’s agency UNICEF. At least two of the vaccination programs were implemented by Medicins Sans Frontieres (MSF, or Doctors Without Borders), while some of those vaccines were produced by Sanofi Pasteur, a French pharmaceutical whose major shareholder is the Rothschild Group. This report uncovers the French connection to the African ebola pandemic.

Human Guinea Pigs

The guinea pig used in laboratory testing of new drugs is neither a pig nor from Guinea, since its natural habitat is on another continent, specifically the Andes. The test subjects at the time of the very first ebola outbreaks in Guinea were not rodents or pigs; they were humans.

The mystery at the heart of the ebola outbreak is how the 1995 Zaire (ZEBOV) strain, which originated in Central Africa some 4,000 km to the east in Congolese (Zairean) provinces of Central Africa, managed to suddenly resurface now a decade later in Guinea, West Africa. Since no evidence of ebola infections in transit has been detected at airports, ports or highways, the initial infections must have come from one of either two alternative routes:

– First, the possibility of an anonymous “Patient A”, a survivor of the devastating 1995 Zaire pandemic, perhaps a doctor or medical worker who was a carrier of the dormant virus into Guinea. An example of a Patient A is Patrick Sawyer, the infected American resident of Liberia who first transmitted ebola to Nigeria. No attempt has been made by the national health ministry or international agencies to trace and identify the original ebola case in Guinea. So far, not a shred of evidence has surfaced to indicate&nbs p;the very first victim to be a foreigner or a Guinean who had traveled abroad.

– Second, the absence of a Patient A leaves the prospect of an unauthorized test in humans of a new antidote for ebola in rural Guinea, done under the cover of a vaccination program for another disease. Whether the covert clinical trial’s purpose was civilian health or military use of an antibody-based antidote cannot be determined as of yet.

The reason for suspecting a vaccine campaign rather than an individual carrier is due to the fact that the ebola contagion did not start at a single geographic center and then spread outward along the roads. Instead. simultaneous outbreaks of multiple cases occurred in widely separated parts of rural Guinea, indicating a highly organized effort to infect residents in different locations in the same time-frame.

The ebola outbreak in early March coincided with three separate vaccination campaigns countrywide: a cholera oral vaccine effort by Medicins Sans Frontieres under the WHO; and UNICEF-funded prevention programs against meningitis and polio:

– The MSF-WHO project administered the anti-cholera vaccine Shanchol. The drug producer Shanta Biotechnics in Hyderabad, India, is a wholly owned subsidiary of Sanofi Pasteur based in Lyon, France. Formerly known as Sanofi-Aventis, the pharmaceutical controlled by major shareholders L’Oreal and the Rothschild Group.

– The oral polio vaccine (OPV) drive funded by UNICEF was based on a pathogen seed strain developed by Sanofi Pasteur, which operates the world’s largest polio vaccine production facility.

– The meningitis vaccine MenAfrVac was produced by the Serum Institute of India, owned by tycoon Cyrus Poonawalla, under development funding from the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. In 2013, a UNICEF drive in Chad with the same drug resulted in 40 child deaths from the vaccine-linked symptom. MSF participated in the West African anti-meningitis project.

Medicins Sanofi Frontieres

While focused on the French role, it would be unjust not to shed light on the American chief of the UN children’s agency. UNICEF executive director Anthony Lake has an ideal career background for the post of protector of children worldwide. Tony Lake was National Security Advisor to President Bill Clinton responsible for US military interventions, including the Bosnia-Herzegovina war against the Yugoslav federation; the Battle of Mogadishu in Somalia better known as “Blackhawk Down”; and Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti. An ardent& nbsp;Zionist convert to Judaism, he is the perfect boss to dispense risky vaccines in Muslim-majority Guinea.

One of Lake’s closest international allies during the Balkans war, who shares his policy of “expansionist democracy” and “humanitarian intervention” is French-Jewish hero Bernard Kouchner. The co-founder of Medicins Sans Frontier, the leftist politician-doctor was appointed Foreign Minister under neoconservative President Nicholas Sarkozy. Before succumbing to the temptation of shouting “Physician heal thyself!”, let’s turn back to tracking ebola.

MSF, which translates into English as Doctors Without Borders, promotes itself as a brave band of selfless physicians who spend their time and own savings on helping the poor in global hot spots. Many of the volunteers, to their individual credit and moral goodness, actually exemplify the public-relations image, never realizing that MSF corporate sponsors include the Bill Gates-founded behemoth Microsoft, Goldman Sachs, AIG, Morgan Stanley, Bank of America, BlackRock, Bloomberg and the French advertising giant Havas.

A rogue’s gallery of corporate predators, if ever there was, the donor list is notably absent  of major pharmaceuticals since it would be a conflict of interest to charitable dispense vaccines from a drug company while being paid for the free advertising. To avoid appearances of ethical impropriety on a global scale, the UN through its agencies WHO and UNICEF foots the bill, the major pharma get the profits, and MSF executives with their horde of bright-eyed volunteers dispense the low-end vaccines on the suffering masses.

Not to discourage idealist doctors from a worthy cause, there is the undeniable attraction of safari fever and Orientalist exoticism for a surgeon from Pittsburg or Strasbourg to take part in this hybrid of “Amazing Race” and Club Med. Now off with the kid gloves: While posturing as principled ethical “witnesses” to human misery, the functional role of MSF role is as a conveyor belt dumping vaccines from major pharmaceuticals onto low-income and poorly educated populations of the developing world.

Repeated dosages of potent toxins on populations with poor health, which no public-health agency in the Western world dares attempt inside its own borders, can have harmful side effects, especially on children. The casualties of vaccination have gone unreported by the media and buried under official cover-ups. Even worse, vaccine programs could well have been used to conceal human testing of antibodies that originated in biological warfare labs for the purpose of mass murder of entire nations.

Best Laid Plans

Doctors Without Frontiers (MSF), once based in Paris and now in Geneva, comes under a dark cloud of suspicion because its distribution of a two-step anti-cholera vaccine. The dosages must be taken a fortnight apart, and this repeated procedure likely provided the pretext for an ebola-testing team to insert the ebola virus into the victims’ bodies and later return to dispense the antidote of monoclonal antibodies (Mab).

(This is not to say that MSF was knowingly involved as an organization but that its “federation” style of management leaves a lot of maneuvering space for an unethical doctor to infiltrate a country program on behalf a client pharmaceutical.)

After exposure to the ebola virus, a patient shows symptoms of high fever, vomiting and diarrhea, no less than 8 days later and likelier after two weeks. Re-arriving on schedule, the covert drug-testing team administers the anti-ebola antibodies as “the second dose of cholera vaccine”. The perfect crime of illegal human testing should have gone off without a hitch.

A problem arises, however, when many of the test subjects fall sick in less than two weeks and are unable to walk dozens of kilometers to the vaccine centers. With much of the original cohort of human test subjects absent for the antidote, and ebola out of control in the hinterland, the secret clinical trial free-falls toward a pit of liability and legal action. Disappointed operations managers for the sponsoring pharmaceutical order the exfiltration of their medical agents out of Guinea, leaving hundreds of victims to die  in excruciating pain as the contagion spreads. Does anyone in Paris or Geneva really care? Don’t choke in laughter.

The Guinea outbreak was not reported by WHO until 6 weeks after the initial round of infections in February, which is quite odd considering the armies of medical workers a field in the countryside during those three vaccine campaigns. By contrast, the MSF office in next-door Senegal knew about the Guinean ebola contagion less than a month after the outbreak.

Inside and Outside the Death Zones

On the map of Africa, the Republic of Guinea (not to be confused with Equatorial Guinea on the coast of Central Africa) is shaped like a reversed letter C, looping off the Atlantic shore and curving southeast into the interior. The Niger River cuts across the country from east to west; two separate regions along its banks were the centers of the initial ebola outbreak.

The earliest infections were concentrated in the inland prefectures of Guecedo and Macenta on the interior borders of Sierra Leone and Liberia. The second-most affected region was closer to the Atlantic coast in the districts of Boffa and Telimele and the nearby island-capital of Conakry. The deaths in Conakry were concentrated at Donka Hospital, the prime treatment center.

What is striking about the Red Cross-Red Crescent Society map of the outbreak zones was the lack of infections over a wide swath along the border with Senegal, where MSF keeps its regional headquarters with a 300-member staff, which includes 80 foreigners. The reason can be attributed to the drier climate of Senegal, yet to the contrary, ebola infections were reported near Guinea’s northern border with arid Mali, which is in the Sahara Desert.

On first reports of the outbreak, the Pasteur Institute branch in Dakar, Senegal, dispatched a mobile microbiology laboratory to Conakry at the request of the Guinean Ministry of Health. Meanwhile, the German-funded Bernhard-Nocht Institute of Tropical Medicine office in Ghana cooperated with WHO to set up a mobile lab in Gueckedou Prefecture.

MSF staffers inside Guinea cooperated with the government’s Ministry of Health effort to set up isolation rooms in local clinics and hospitals along with blood-sample collection centers. Despite assurances from WHO and CDC that ebola is not transmitted through water or air, more than 100 nurses and doctors, including Sierra Leone’s top ebola expert, have died so far. Misinformation about ebola transmission is inexcusable when the 1995 Zaire outbreak was first spread by the washing of corpses.

Turning Panic Into Profit

Another appalling surprise came in June with the “second wave” of apparently more virulent ebola infections across Sierra Leone, even after the pandemic was coming under control in Guinea. This second breakout could be related to a mutation caused by the introduction of monoclonal antibodies during the covert antidote tests. Confronted by Mab-activated immune responses in humans, the virus could be expected to adapt by increasing the velocity of its docking with unprotected human blood cells. If a mutation is confirmed, then all Mab-based&n bsp;serums should be banned due to the potential emergence of the unstoppable “super-virus”, a modified strain of ebola on steroids.

News media have focused on two potential cures for ebola issued by biotech companies ZMapp and Tekmira, both of them essentially business fronts for patent-sharing consortia. Whichever company gains approval from an FDA, ready to overlook the possibility of driving mutations, will be sure to win huge supplier contracts from the WHO and the US Department of Defense.

The dark horse in the foot race to profit from the ebola panic is France-based Sanofi Pasteur. The world’s third-largest pharmaceutical, under CEO Serge Weinberg, has earned a reputation for come-from-behind success in the final rounds of clinical trials in humans. Weinberg scored a coup in wooing his new chief scientist Gary Nabel from his position as head of viral immunology research at the National Institutes of Health (NIH).

The Sanofi strategy for ebola is being kept under wraps by its biotech partner Sutro Biopharma based in San Francisco. Sutro managing director John Freund, MD, is a former Morgan Stanley executive who built its health-care portfolio. The Sutro-Sanofi-Nabel monoclonal antibody (Mab) strategy, using tumor antigen Mabs, is listed for purposes “undisclosed”. The use of antibodies from abnormal or cancerous cells is the same as the cell-fusion method used by their now better-known competitor ZMapp.

For the unethical executive, it is tempting to conduct drug tests in humans without wasting years on monkey trials, as was done by wartime Japan’s Unit 731 and by Dr. Joseph Mengele. In 2008, Sanofi was accused of conducting secret trials of an untested H5N1 vaccine on 350 homeless people in Poland, killing at least 21 and causing the hospitalization of 200 others, according to the Telegraph of London.

The cold-blooded spread of a hemorrhagic fever cannot be attributed solely to corporate greed since biodefense security is also a motive. The West African outbreak was likely linked to a dual-use experiment, for application in tropical health and as a biowarfare shield, as shown in the two earlier essays in this series.

On the List of Suspects

While a signatory of the Biological Weapons Convention, France did not sign aboard until 1984, providing sufficient time to guise its biowarfare research under civilian lab coats. The nation that produced brilliant scientists like Louis Pasteur, the pioneer discoverer of vaccines, France was one of the leading research centers in biological warfare, weaponizing anthrax, salmonella, chorela and rinderpest, toxins that resonate with the French passion for cuisine.

The postwar French military had none of the ability to commandeer Germany’s formidable bioweapons technology, as did Britain, the US, and the Soviet Union. Instead of focusing on the German passion for “germ” warfare, French medical researchers skipped ahead by concentrating on molecular biology, in which viruses are of intense interest for their interactions with the proteins in cell membranes and nucleic acids.

Due to their high-tech sophistication, it is rare for French research centers to be caught red-handed, as happened when the Pasteur  Institute in Iran was discovered to be crafting aflatoxin for the Shah’s military.

French biologists moreover have had deep experience in tropical pathogens from their own African colonies and the Belgian Congo. The nation’s most notable achievement in recent years was Luc Montagnier’s isolation of the HIV, which notably he claims was not of African origin, indicating the Pasteur Institute’s vast library of biological agents.

The French are masters of ambiguity and dissimulation, and so there is no chance for a French military attache to be seen strutting around Guinea or Sierra Leone like a Jean Reno. The CDC in Liberia, in contrast, with its 50-member forward squad marching in protective gear stands out like a sore thumb.

Therefore, don’t forget to put the Elysee Palace on the suspect list if ebola is found out to be a biowarfare attack to destabilize West Africa and redraw the geopolitical boundaries. The French Army is the largest foreign force on the continent. To borrow Churchill’s metaphor of nesting dolls, antibodies are a riddle wrapped in the mystery of ebola inside an enigma of biological warfare.

The other Sanofi project in Guinea involving a polio vaccine campaign could have enabled the follow-up work of checking on the success rate of the secret antibody tests. If so, it was a miserable failure or perhaps a wild success. In either case, the pharmaceutical and biotech industries will have profited handsomely from the ebola crisis when biodefense-research generals, high civil servants, and UN bureaucrats sheepishly sign multimillion-euro R&D contracts.
Feverish Africa

After rural West Africans realized that vaccination programs coincided with the outbreak of Zaire ebola, foreign-funded medical staffers were assaulted by angry mobs and an ebola treatment center in Sierra Leone was burned to the ground. When medicine is exposed to be the problem and not a solution, the military has to be called in to quell the public rebellion. The boundaries of every country in the region are now sealed by troops, and so the truth behind this epidemic will probably be buried with the victims.

As for MSF, UNICEF, WHO, CDC, NIH, USAMRIID and the rest of the alphabet soup of the hypocritical oafs of pharmaco-witchcraft, the herd instinct for self-preservation prevents any honest disclosure. As each day passes and casualties mount, the onus for the crime weighs heavier. A trustworthy investigation into this fast-spreading pandemic and prosecution of the perpetrators in a court of law have all the chances of snowfall in Zaire.

The Writer

 

Science writer Yoichi Shimatsu

Yoichi Shimatsu, a Thailand-based science writer, organized public health seminars by leading microbiologists and herbalists during the SARS outbreak in Hong Kong and the avian influenza crisis across Southeast Asia.